Taiwan/fr

Carte de Taïwan

En 1945, à la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la Chine était en pleine guerre civile. Les forces nationalistes dirigées par Chiang Kai-shek étaient cinq fois plus nombreuses que les forces communistes dirigées par Mao Tse-tung. En 1949, la situation s'était inversée : les nationalistes s'étaient retirés sur l'île de Formose (Taïwan) et Mao contrôlait le continent.

Le Département d'État a fait valoir que les nationalistes avaient perdu parce qu'ils étaient corrompus, brutaux et dépourvus de soutien populaire, et que les communistes avaient gagné parce que le peuple les soutenait. Il a déclaré que nous avions apporté toute l'aide possible aux nationalistes, mais que nous n'avions tout simplement pas pu inverser le cours de l'histoire et la volonté du peuple. La vérité est que, même si les nationalistes avaient leurs défauts, ils étaient sans aucun doute préférables aux communistes.

Le professeur Anthony Kubek, de l'université de Dallas, explique comment l'administration Truman a manipulé la situation : tout d'abord, Harry Truman a forcé les nationalistes à former une coalition avec les communistes, puis il leur a fourni une aide insuffisante, l'a suspendue après qu'ils en soient devenus dépendants et enfin, lorsqu'il est apparu que les nationalistes allaient perdre, il a déclaré une politique de « non-intervention » et n'a rien fait. On ne sait pas si Truman comprenait pleinement les effets de sa politique, mais la clique des partisans de Mao qu'il avait nommés au Bureau des affaires extrême-orientales du Département d'État les comprenait sans aucun doute.

La trahison des nationalistes chinois par les États-Unis

La trahison progressive des Chinois par Truman mérite d'être étudiée. À la fin de l'année 1945, il nomma le général George C. Marshall représentant spécial en Chine et lui donna pour instruction de menacer de suspendre l'aide américaine si Tchang Kaï-chek ne déclarait pas une trêve avec Mao et n'entamait pas des négociations en vue de former un gouvernement de coalition dans lequel les communistes seraient représentés.

Exiger un poste dans un gouvernement de coalition est une manœuvre communiste classique. Généralement, après avoir obtenu une position marginale au sein d'un gouvernement, ils éliminent leurs adversaires. Chiang essayait de montrer sa bonne foi aux Américains, il a donc non seulement accepté une trêve, mais a également commencé à réduire ses forces armées dans l'intérêt de la paix et de la démocratie. Il a désactivé 180 divisions sur les 300 que comptait son armée et a créé six divisions mixtes composées de troupes communistes et nationalistes. Il a également entamé des négociations avec Mao afin de lui accorder un poste au sein du nouveau gouvernement.

En mars 1946, les communistes rompirent la trêve en envoyant des troupes en Mandchourie. Les nationalistes ripostèrent et continuèrent leur avancée, estimant que la trêve avait été rompue par les communistes. Les États-Unis ont blâmé Tchang Kaï-chek et ont réagi à cet incident en imposant un embargo sur les armes américaines et en annulant un prêt américain de 500 millions de dollars. Ce fut le tournant de la guerre entre les combattants de la liberté et les Porteurs de lumière de la mère patrie chinoise et les hordes communistes sous la direction dominante d'une minorité impitoyable.

Dès lors, les nationalistes reçurent peu d'aide des États-Unis, tandis que les Soviétiques soutenaient les forces de Mao. Staline donna à Mao toutes les armes et tout l'équipement laissés en Mandchourie par les 700 000 soldats japonais qui s'étaient rendus à la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, ainsi que près de 600 cargaisons de matériel américain inutilisé fourni dans le cadre du prêt-bail que nous avions donné aux Soviétiques pour combattre les Japonais. Le gouvernement américain ne protesta pas !

Pendant ce temps, l'aide américaine aux nationalistes depuis 1945 avait été une trahison du début à la fin. Le département d'État a tenté de convaincre l'opinion publique américaine qu'il avait fait tout son possible pour sauver le gouvernement nationaliste. En 1949, le secrétaire d'État Dean Acheson Le fait est qu'après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le gouvernement américain n'a accordé qu'une aide symbolique aux nationalistes et n'a cessé de les affaiblir.

Sous l'embargo de Marshall, les nationalistes ne pouvaient pas obtenir d'essence pour l'armée de l'air que nous leur avions fournie. Marshall avait équipé 33 des meilleures divisions nationalistes avec des fusils américains de calibre 30. Puis il a imposé un embargo sur les munitions de calibre 30.

De plus, nos fournitures dans le cadre du prêt-bail étaient insuffisantes. Le colonel L. B. Moody a déclaré que nous n'avions pas envoyé aux nationalistes ce dont ils avaient réellement besoin, à savoir des armes légères et des munitions. Selon Moody, nous avons envoyé « des milliards de cigarettes moisies, des armes explosées, des bombes hors d'usage et des véhicules hors service provenant des îles du Pacifique ». De plus, comme l'écrit Kubek, « le matériel prêté-bail destiné à la Chine [a été] soit détruit, soit jeté dans l'océan Indien ».

La suppression de l'aide américaine a eu des conséquences désastreuses pour les nationalistes. Le professeur Kubek écrit que

Le général George E. Stratemeyer ... a déclaré devant la sous-commission sénatoriale chargée de la sécurité intérieure qu'il avait transporté 90 000 soldats chinois vers le nord.... Nous avions promis de leur fournir des ravitaillements, mais les troupes ont été abandonnées là-bas, à la merci des communistes. [Stratemeyer a déclaré :] « Ils n'avaient ni munitions, ni pièces de rechange, ils ne pouvaient pas se battre. Ils devaient survivre, alors les communistes les ont pris sous leur aile, et ceux qu'ils n'ont pas tués, je pense qu'ils les ont forcés à servir dans leurs rangs. »

Under the embargo the Nationalists were running out of everything. The New York Times reported on June 22, 1947, that their guns were so worn and burned that “bullets fell through them to the ground.” Other arms lacked crucial parts. Professor Kubek says that some gun shipments reached China without bolts. They were therefore useless.

In April of 1948 Congress appropriated $125 million in military aid to the Nationalists. But due to Defense and State Department delays the first shipment of American arms did not arrive in Shanghai until seven months later. By that time it was too late for Chiang Kai-shek.

These aid “mix-ups” are the beginning of a disturbing pattern in the history of United States support for anti-Communist resistance movements. One mix-up can be a mistake but we must look for other motives when it happens repeatedly.

The Nationalists’ retreat to Taiwan

The Nationalist forces retreated to Taiwan, completing their withdrawal December 7, 1949. The West hailed Mao as a potential moderate, a Nationalist figure who would not necessarily be aligned with Moscow. But, since the Communists established the People’s Republic of China on October 1, 1949 (thanks to the government of the United States of America), they have killed from 33 to 61 million Chinese, according to a report released by the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security in 1971.

Meanwhile, in Taiwan, freedom reigned, and free trade and commerce built a strong capitalist nation, a free people and those who are able to understand the path of the Master/disciple relationship.

Recognition of the People’s Republic of China

In 1976, Jimmy Carter was elected president and on December 15, 1978, he announced that the United States was establishing diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) after 30 years of nonrecognition.

On December 15, 1978, President Carter announced simultaneously with officials in Peking that after 30 years of nonrecognition, diplomatic relations between the PRC and the U.S. would be formally established as of January 1, 1979. The U.S. also agreed to sever diplomatic relations with the Republic of China (Taiwan), which it had previously recognized as the sole legal government of China, and to terminate the 1954 Mutual Defense Treaty with Taiwan at the end of 1979. In his nationally televised speech, Carter said that by recognizing the PRC as the single government of China, “we are recognizing simple reality.” He added that the U.S. would continue to maintain “cultural, commercial, and other unofficial relations with the people of Taiwan.”

The first major step in publicly acknowledging the legitimacy of the Communist regime had come in 1972 with the signing of the Shanghai Communiqué by the U.S. and Peking at the conclusion of President Nixon’s trip to China. In that communiqué the U.S. pledged to reduce its forces and military installations on Taiwan as “tension in the area diminishes.” But even though efforts toward normalization of relations had been underway for some time, Carter’s announcement still came as a surprise to many. It drew angry responses from members of Congress who complained that the president had not informed them of his actions—despite the fact that Congress had earlier adopted a resolution specifically instructing the president to consult them before abrogating the Taiwan defense treaty. Senator Barry Goldwater and 25 other legislators actually contested the constitutionality of the president’s unilateral move in a legal suit, but their complaint was dismissed by the Supreme Court on December 13, 1979.

In addition, many were concerned that Carter had not properly provided for the security of Taiwan. China, in fact, never pledged in the 1978 joint communiqué to refrain from using force against Taiwan. The PRC’s long-standing position that the “liberation” of Taiwan by peaceful or nonpeaceful means did not involve the U.S. was reiterated by the Chinese in their normalization statement: “As for the way of bringing Taiwan back to the embrace of the motherland and reunifying the country, it is entirely China’s internal affair.”

The Nationalist government on Taiwan remained firm in its response to the agreement, declaring:

The United States, by extending diplomatic recognition to the Chinese Communist regime, which owes its very existence to terror and suppression, is not in conformity with its professed position of safeguarding human rights and strengthening the capability of democratic nations to resist the totalitarian dictatorship. The move is tantamount to denying the hundreds of millions of enslaved peoples on the Chinese mainland of their hope for an early restoration of freedom. Viewed from whatever aspect, the move by the United States constitutes a great setback to human freedom and democratic institutions.... Under whatever circumstances, the Republic of China shall neither negotiate with the Communist Chinese regime, nor compromise with Communism, and it shall never give up its sacred task of recovering the mainland and delivering the compatriots there.

To offset what was considered by some to be a betrayal of Taiwan in the 1978 communiqué, Congress passed the Taiwan Relations Act, signed into law on April 10, 1979. It said:

It is the policy of the United States to consider any effort to determine the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means, including boycotts or embargoes, a threat to the peace and security of the Western Pacific area and of grave concern to the United States.

In addition, it promised to provide the defensive arms necessary for Taiwan to “maintain a sufficient self-defense capability” and stated that the U.S. would “maintain the capacity” to, in effect, resist any use of force by the PRC to gain control of Taiwan.

After 1978, the PRC began to issue a series of proposals aimed at peaceful “reunification of the motherland.” The Nine-Point Proposal of September 30, 1981, for instance, offered Taiwan a “high degree of autonomy as a special administrative region” that would retain its armed forces and further promised that “the central government will not interfere with local affairs on Taiwan”—an offer flatly rejected by the Republic of China.

In a significant development intended to ease U.S.-Peking disagreements over the arming of Taiwan, the U.S. signed a joint communiqué with Peking on August 17, 1982, pledging to gradually reduce arms sales to Taiwan “leading over a period of time to a final resolution.” The U.S. also stated that arms sales would not exceed, qualitatively or quantitatively, the level supplied in recent years since normalization of relations.

Taiwan charged that the communiqué violated both the spirit and the letter of the Taiwan Relations Act—and according to some political observers, this could indeed be the case. As the military threat posed by modernization and improvement of the PRC’s defense capabilities increases, the quantity and quality of arms necessary to maintain Taiwan’s self-defense (a level which the U.S. promised to provide in the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act) will probably exceed the limits on arms sales set by a literal reading of the 1982 communiqué.

It remains to be seen when and how Red China will attempt reunification with Taiwan. Clearly, the United States cannot be counted on to intervene. The Taiwanese army is the sole force standing between free China and the fate their brethren on the mainland have already met.

Shoushanyan Kuan Yin Temple, Taoyuan City, Taiwan

Freedom for Taiwan

On December 8, 1975, Saint Germain gave a landmark dictation entitled “Freedom for Taiwan.” In it he warned:

Let the sons and daughters of Liberty arise this day! For I am calling you, and this is my message: The fulcrum of light on Terra for the reversing of the tide of the beast of the Orient is Taiwan. Fifteen million souls of light are keeping the flame of Kuan Yin on that island of light. That island of light is an ancient focus of freedom; and it must not be turned over to the Communists, to the Chinese, or to the Russians. It must not become that political football between East and West pacifying the Communists. It must not be used as a forcefield or as a focal point of evil on either side, but the people of Taiwan must be free to be independent and to be protected by the forces of freedom above and below....

[Taiwan] is the focal point whereby the hosts of light will turn the tide of World Communism. From Taiwan they will back up the Communist forces across China, across the mainland, across Russia. And the rescue of Terra will not be from Europe, but it will be from that focal point of light....

People of America, people of freedom, do you not understand what will take place on this very soil, in this very place, if the hordes of the fallen ones are allowed to override the forcefields of light throughout the world? I say you must not rest day or night! You must not lay your body, no matter how weary, to rest at night without breathing your prayers to me and to Kuan Yin for the rescue of that island.

We are not content to rescue souls! We are not content to have them taken out by air! We are not content unless we have the land. For the land is the Mother’s, the land is the focus, the land is the retreat of the Mother of China. And it must not be given over to any force whatsoever! It must be maintained free. It must be defended by the forces of light and the hosts of light in every freedom-loving nation of the world....

I tell you, children of the Light, if you lose Taiwan, you will lose the greatest concentration of Lightbearers per square mile in any part of the earth. There is no greater concentration. They are there in the white-fire core for the victory. And I tell you, the race of Chin will be lost if they are lost; for they must roll back the darkness of the mainland and free the people from these fallen ones.

Archangel Gabriel addressed the people of Taiwan in 1978:

You cannot hold the line of world freedom in Asia—in your economy, in your government, in your industry, or in your armed forces—without direct contact with God through the blessed mediator, your own individual Christ Self.

Your souls are sent as the survivors of an ancient battle between Light and Darkness where a handful of the children of Chin defeated a dragon of idolatry and ideology whose nucleus was death and the cult of death....

The cunning cruelty of the Chinese Communists from Mao to Hua Kuo-feng and Teng Hsiao-p’ing derives from their fallen masters. These astral overlords control the chessboards and their pawns in governments bond and free, their goal being always to extend the line of their territory to include more and more of the ground of the children of the light, challenging their right to evolve in freedom upon that ground.

Children of the light of Taiwan, you have held that line with the legions of Jophiel and Christine for many an aeon and many an arena of the time/space continuums! And your own Chiang Kai-shek, Madame Chiang, and Chiang Ching-kuo have figured again and again as heroes and heroine of your legions of light.

The people of Chin, both from the mainland and on the island of light, are of an ancient evolution. They are bearers of wisdom’s scrolls dictated by Lord Lanto and Lord Confucius as emissaries of the Cosmic Christs unto your root races serving on the second ray—the ray of the incarnation of the Word.

You once knew the message of Messiah as the message of your own inner man of the heart, exemplified in your sages....

The children of the light in all of China are one indissoluble Union. Their oneness is their origin in God yet to be realized in their orientation of God-freedom, their culture of the Mother, and their victory in the light. While the masterminds of world dominion think they arrange and rearrange power and anti-power by diplomatic maneuvering, the two-edged sword of righteousness forged of “molecules” of souls East and West keeps the way of the Tree of Life for the children of God bond or free.

For more information

For additional spiritual background on Taiwan, see Archangel Gabriel, Mysteries of the Holy Grail, chapters 8 & 9.

For additional information on America's betrayal of Taiwan, see the following publications:

Anthony Kubek, How the Far East Was Lost: American Policy and the Creation of Communist China, 1941–1949 (1963; reprint ed., New York: Twin Circle Publishing Co., 1972)

Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time (New York: Macmillan Co., 1966), pp. 818–19, 904–9, 945–56, 1000–1001.

Jeffrey B. Gayner, The China Decision and the Future of Taiwan, Heritage Foundation Backgrounder, no. 70 (Washington, D.C.: Heritage Foundation, 1978).

John Tierney, Jr., ed., About Face: The China Decision and Its Consequences (New Rochelle, N.Y.: Arlington House, 1979).

Robert G. Sutter, China-U.S. Relations, Congressional Research Service, Issue Brief No. IB76053 (Washington, D.C.: The Library of Congress, 1982).

Luella S. Christopher, The August 17, 1982 U.S.-China Communique on Taiwan: A Summary of Its Terms and Possible Implications, Congressional Research Service, F/A IP 21 (Washington, D.C.: The Library of Congress, 1982).

Martin L. Lasater, Taiwan: Facing Mounting Threats (Washington, D.C.: Heritage Foundation, 1984).

Sources

Elizabeth Clare Prophet, “The Abdication of America’s Destiny,” Part 2, Pearls of Wisdom, vol. 31, no. 23, June 5, 1988.

Archangel Gabriel, Mysteries of the Holy Grail, chapter 8, endnotes.